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The Supreme Court this week heard oral
arguments in Pottawatomie County Board of Education v. Earls, the case brought
by Tecumseh, OK, high school student Lindsay Earls, who challenged the school
district's policy requiring drug tests for all students involved in any
extracurricular activities. In 1995, the Supreme Court okayed drug testing for
student athletes in certain circumstances, but attempts by local school boards
to extend drug testing beyond athletes have met with mixed results in state and
federal courts. The Tecumseh policy was found unconstitutional by the 10th US
Circuit Court of Appeals, but other federal appeals courts have approved similar
schemes in other school districts.
In an ominous note for student privacy,
government attorneys arguing the case used the occasion to claim that the law
already permits the blanket, suspicionless drug testing of all high school
students -- not just athletes or those involved in extracurricular activities.
Deputy Solicitor General Paul D. Clement told the court just that. He argued
that it is constitutional to test all students, not just those in voluntary
extracurricular programs, as was the case at Tecumseh High School. "We're not
saying this is constitutional because it's consensual," he said.
Clement also attempted to draw a parallel
between US Customs Service employees, whose testing the Supreme Court okayed in
1989 because they were on the "front lines" of the war on drugs, and high school
students. "Children today are on the front lines of the drug problem on the
demand side," he told the court.
A ruling upholding the school district or
going even further to accept the expansive reasoning of the Justice Department
could lead to massive drug testing of the nation's 24 million secondary
students. Currently, only a small number of the country's 15,500 school
districts operate drug-testing programs, in large part because of uncertainty
over their legality.
The hour-long oral arguments were marked
by heated exchanges between the justices and the attorneys and among the
justices themselves. Justice Anthony Kennedy drew gasps from the courtroom
audience when he appeared to personally attack plaintiff Lindsay Earls. Kennedy
posed a hypothetical with one school that had drug testing and one that did not
-- "the druggie school," he called it. "Every parent" would want to send his
children to the first school, Kennedy told plaintiff's attorney Graham Boyd of
the ACLU's Drug Policy Litigation Project, but then added dismissively, "Well,
perhaps not your client."
Outside the Supreme Court after the
hearing, a visibly upset Lindsay Earls told reporters: "I don't use drugs. I
shouldn't have to prove that."
But if the questions and comments of the
justices are any indication, she and every other high school student in America
may soon have to do precisely that. Boyd argued that Tecumseh had not shown
there was a drug problem justifying drug tests and that such tests violated the
Fourth Amendment injunction against unreasonable searches. Neither had school
officials demonstrated any particular risks to participants in extracurricular
activities, Boyd said. "There's nothing about band or choir that is dangerous,"
Boyd said.
But Justice Antonin Scalia, author of the
1995 decision okaying testing of student athletes, shot back: "You think life
and death is not at issue in the fight against drugs? How about death from an
overdose?"
"Of course, your honor," Boyd gamely
replied, "but these students are the least likely to use drugs. So there is
almost no chance of that happening."
But Scalia was not persuaded. He told the
courtroom that the key to deciding whether the policy was constitutionally
permissible was whether the policy was one a "reasonable guardian and tutor" of
students in a school setting might apply.
Justice Kennedy also telegraphed his
position with his questions and comments. After Boyd cited the school district's
own figures to show that it did not have a significant drug problem -- only
three out of 550 tests administered in two years came back positive -- Kennedy
questioned why a lack of evidence of drug use should hold back testing. "You're
saying there must be a great crisis -- they should lose a few years of students
before acting?" he asked. Kennedy also dismissed objections to drug testing by
suggesting requiring students to urinate in a cup was little different than
requiring them to wear school uniforms.
Justice Stephen Breyer chirped in to note
that in the 1995 Vernonia case, the court ruled that a school district can
impose testing on student athletes in response not merely to local drug problems
but to nationwide drug use. The Tecumseh school "did what I would have done,"
said Breyer. "I would have asked my kids what's really going on in the school."
Only two justices, Sandra Day O'Connor and
David Souter, evinced any skepticism about the Tecumseh policy. Justice O'Connor
raked school district attorney Linda Meoli over the district's resort to drug
testing without any evidence of a drug problem. She pointed out that the
district had been telling the federal government in annual reports that it had
no drug problem and that the evidence the district presented suggested that
students involved in extracurricular activities were less likely to use drugs
than those who were not. "It seems odd to leave those students untested," she
said. "It's counterintuitive, isn't it?" She later added: "This is a school that
certified to the federal government that it did not have a drug problem. I mean,
the whole thing seems odd."
Justice Souter also zeroed in on the
district's claim that it had a significant drug abuse problem. When attorney
Meoli defended the policy as "a reasonable response to drug use," Souter cut her
off and asked about the annual reports showing no drug abuse. "Were they lying?"
he asked. Noting also that fewer than a handful of students had tested positive
for drugs, Souter added: "I don't see how you don't lose, whether we look at it
ex ante (from before) or ex post (from after)."
The normally mild-mannered Souter bore
down so sharply on Meoli that Chief Justice William Rehnquist intervened, saying
"Let her answer the question, will you?"
But Souter's and O'Connor's remarks aside,
the previous history of the court and the tenor of the questions from the bench
suggest that the Supreme Court is ready to once again deepen the drug war
exception to the Fourth Amendment. The court is expected to rule by June.
Source: www.drcnet.org - Drug Library
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